One key conflict is between conflicting cultural values. Something
considered sexual harassment in one area might be considered normal behaviour in another. Conflicting values can make it difficult to legislate specific behaviour, as the same actions may not be felt equally problematic by everyone. For instance, certain legislators may wish to include sexual jokes as part of an EU-wide definition of sexual harassment, while others may not consider this behaviour inappropriate. Ιn the EU, not all Member States are likely to agree on how to classify particular behaviour. This difference can also be seen between different countries. For instance, in
Germany, verbal sexual harassment is not considered a criminal offence, while in
Belgium, any unwanted sexual conduct is considered sexual harassment.
Another critical issue is the existence of gender inequality and sexism in society as a whole. Gender inequality can impact the issue in at least two ways: prevalence and response. While anyone can become a target of sexual harassment, including men and non-binary people, it is aimed at women in the vast majority of cases, which is why it is considered a form of GBV. Women are
more than three times as likely to experience sexual harassment at work than men, which could suggest a connection between perceptions of women and how common sexual harassment is. Secondly, gender inequality may affect how seriously the issue is taken, both in individual cases and societally. Given that only an
estimated 14% of victims report sexual harassment to the authorities, and many who do report not being taken seriously, it can also affect whether or not women choose to report harassment.
Studies have shown that women who defy sexist stereotypes by working in traditionally male-dominated industries or high-powered roles face more sexual harassment than others, potentially as a social ‘punishment’ for breaking social customs. The same is true for educational environments. Students who break gender norms are
often punished through sexual harassment by their peers.
Related to this is another key conflict: the justice system. As mentioned, only a fraction of sexual harassment is reported to authorities, often due to
distrust in the police or a fear of not being taken seriously. Many victims also report feeling
embarrassment or feeling guilty after sexual abuse, making them less likely to seek help from police and
other organisations. Additionally, women may fear reporting due to
fearing job loss as a
retaliatory measure, especially if the perpetrator is an employer or supervisor. The lack of reporting means a lack of knowledge of how widespread the issue is. It also means that authorities, schools, and employers do not become aware of the harassment and therefore cannot impose consequences on the perpetrator. However, sexual offences are notoriously
difficult to prosecute even when reported. It is often challenging to meet the burden of proof, leading to situations where the only evidence available is testimony by those involved. When perpetrators are not prosecuted for their crimes, it reinforces the image that the justice system won’t help victims, creating a cycle of non-reporting.
Finally, this is exacerbated by a lack of information. While Eurostat is
currently completing an EU-wide survey, there is presently
no comprehensive information on the situation regarding GBV in the EU due to the lack of recent EU-wide surveys or studies. Unfortunately, this is an even bigger issue regarding violence in schools, as there have been no recent surveys on its prevalence, and there is no comprehensive EU-wide data. This is compounded by the previously mentioned underreporting, which makes national crime statistics incomplete as sources. Without accurate information, it is difficult for the EU, Member States, and NGOs to act efficiently.